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One possible answer though not the only one is that individuals may make the wrong choices, so that it is necessary to coerce or manipulate them into choosing correctly.
But pluralism holds that, where there are conflicts between genuine values, there may be no single right choice — more than one choice may equally serve genuine human values and interests, even if they also involve the sacrifice or violation of other values or interests that are neither more nor less true and important.
Similarly, there is no single ideal life, no single model of how to think or behave or be, to which people should attempt, or be brought, to conform.
There are indeed chooseable options that are beyond the pale from any humane viewpoint, and these may reasonably be blocked off.
Pluralism, then, for Berlin, both undermines one of the main rationales for violating freedom of choice, and corroborates the importance and value of being able to make choices freely.
Negative and positive liberty are both genuine values which must be balanced against each other; and political liberty of any sort is one value among many, with which it may conflict, and against which it needs to be weighed.
Berlin was more sensitive than many classical liberal or libertarian thinkers to the fact that genuine liberty may conflict with genuine equality, or justice, or public order, or security, or efficiency, or happiness, and therefore must be balanced against, and sometimes sacrificed in favour of, other values.
Nevertheless Berlin remains a liberal in maintaining that the preservation of a certain minimum of individual liberty is a political priority. To deprive human beings of certain basic rights is to dehumanise them.
While liberty should not be the only good pursued by society, and while it should not always trump other values, ethical pluralism lends it a special importance: for people must be free in order to allow for the recognition and pursuit of all genuine human values.
Berlin was sympathetic to the former, critical of the latter, but he recognised the relationship between the two, and was thus aware of the power and allure of nationalism.
Although Berlin traced to Herder the insight that belonging, and the sense of self-expression that membership bestows, are basic human needs, it seems unlikely that he would have had to learn this lesson from him.
It is more probable that it was his own appreciation of these needs that attracted him to that author in the first place. He was sharply aware of the pain of humiliation and dependency, the hatefulness and hurtfulness of paternalistic rule.
Berlin addressed the former subject both directly and through his writings on individual statesmen who exemplified different sorts of successful political judgement see the portraits collected in Berlin , and Hanley Berlin disputed the idea that political judgement was a body of knowledge which could be reduced to rules.
In the realm of political action, laws are few and skill is all , Like the study of history, political judgement involves reaching an understanding of the unique set of characteristics that constitute a particular individual, atmosphere, state of affairs or event ibid.
Such a sense is qualitative rather than quantitative, specific rather than general, for all that it may be built on past experience. This sense is distinct from any sort of ethical sense; it could be possessed or lacked by both virtuous and villainous politicians.
Recognition of the importance of this sense of political reality should not discourage the spirit of scientific enquiry or serve as an excuse for obscurantism.
But it should discourage the attempt to transform political action into the application of scientific principles, and government into technocratic administration.
Berlin intended his writings on political judgement as a warning to political theorists not to overreach themselves. Political theory can do much good in helping us to make sense of politics.
But political action is a practical matter, which should not, and cannot, be founded on, or dictated by, general principles established through abstract theorising.
While he acknowledged that it was impossible to think without the use of analogies and metaphors, that thought necessarily involves generalisation and comparison, he warned that it was important to be cautious, self-conscious and critical in the use of general models and analogies see b, —8.
Rationality consists of the application, not of a single technique or set of rules, but of those methods that have proven to work best in each particular field or situation.
While Berlin emphasised the place of questions about the proper ends of political action in the subject matter of political theory, he also recognised the importance of discussions of the proper means to employ, and the relationship between these and the ends at which they aim.
Berlin did not treat this question — the question of political ethics — directly in his work; nor did he offer simple or confident answers to the perennial questions of the morality of political action.
Nevertheless, he did advance some theses about this branch of morality; and these were among his most heartfelt pronouncements. To this he added a caution evocative as much of Max Weber as of Herzen about the unpredictability of the future.
This led him, on the one hand, to stress the need for caution and moderation; and, on the other, to insist that uncertainty is inescapable, so that all action, however carefully undertaken, involves the risk of error, and of disastrous, or at least unexpected and troubling, consequences.
Berlin often noted the dangers of utopianism, and stressed the need for a measure of political pragmatism. Carr, George Kennan or Henry Kissinger.
Berlin did indeed seek to warn against the dangers of idealism, and to chasten it, in order to save it from itself and better defend it against cynicism.
He also saw this sort of cynical, brutal realism as a powerful political force in the world b, —4; see also Cherniss , 67—87, —21, and Cherniss Indeed, the problem of the relationship between ends and means runs through his writings.
Characteristically, he warned against both an insistence on total political purity — for, when values conflict and consequences are often unexpected, purity is an impossible ideal — and a disregard for the ethical niceties of political means.
He regarded the latter attitude as not only morally ugly, but foolish: for good ends tend to be corrupted and undermined by unscrupulous means.
But the ideal for the sake of which they die remains unrealised. Berlin was thoroughly anti-absolutist; but he did insist that there were certain actions that were, except in the most drastic of situations, unacceptable.
Berlin also warned particularly against the use of violence. He acknowledged that the use of force was sometimes necessary and justified; but he also reminded his readers that violence has particularly volatile and unpredictable consequences, and tends to spiral out of control, leading to terrible destruction and suffering, and undermining the noble goals it seeks to achieve.
He also stressed the dangers of paternalistic, or otherwise humiliating and disempowering, attempts to institute reform or achieve improvement, which had a tendency to inspire a backlash of hatred and resistance.
Scruton , Hitchens However, even as the ideological battles of the Cold War recede into the past not everywhere: in post-Communist Europe, in China and elsewhere they are still very much alive , Berlin remains the object of varying interpretations and evaluations.
This may appear odd in a thinker who wrote clearly, and without obfuscating jargon. These qualities make it difficult not only to evaluate Berlin, but also to situate him in the history of ideas; for he appears at once typical and atypical of the period in which he lived, and also both ahead of his time and somewhat old-fashioned.
Berlin was, for much of his life, an intellectually lonely figure, pursuing the history of ideas in an academic setting that was unreceptive to it, and advocating a moderate liberalism in a time dominated by ideological extremism.
And yet this plea for moderation and advocacy of liberalism was shared and taken up by many others at the time.
His attack on monism, on the quest for certainty and the project of systematic knowledge, has led him to be embraced by some critics of foundationalism such as Richard Rorty and John Gray.
Nor is Berlin easy to identify seamlessly with those intellectual positions that he explicitly propounded — liberalism and pluralism. Although he appears as an important, and indeed emblematic, exponent of liberalism — along with Rawls, the most important liberal theorist of his century — his ideas may nevertheless in the end help to undermine, or at least challenge, conventional, often monistic, liberalism.
It can also be employed more broadly, to capture something of his vision of reality, the universe and human nature — that is, the view that all of these things are complexes made up of separate and conflicting parts: that the self is protean and open-ended, that the universe is not a harmonious cosmos, that reality presents many separate aspects, which can and should be viewed from different perspectives.
Concordances that enable readers to find corresponding pages in earlier editions are available online. Alp Yilmaz, who read drafts of this entry, and whose comments were most helpful.
Life 1. Philosophy of Knowledge and the Humanities 2. The History of Ideas 4. Ethical Thought and Value Pluralism 4. Political Thought 5.
Conclusion Bibliography A. Works by Berlin B. Books about Berlin C. To say anything about the world requires bringing in something other than immediate experience: The vast majority of the types of reasoning on which our beliefs rest, or by which we should seek to justify them […], are not reducible to formal deductive or inductive schemata, or combinations of them.
For the total texture is what we begin and end with. There is no Archimedean point outside it whence we can survey the whole and pronounce upon it.
The basic categories with their corresponding concepts in terms of which we define men — such notions as society, freedom, sense of time and change, suffering, happiness, productivity, good and bad, right and wrong, choice, effort, truth, illusion to take them wholly at random — are not matters of induction and hypothesis.
His definition of monism may be summarised as follows: All genuine questions must have a true answer, and one only; all other responses are errors. There must be a dependable path to discovering the true answer to a question, which is in principle knowable, even if currently unknown.
The true answers, when found, will be compatible with one another, forming a single whole; for one truth cannot be incompatible with another.
This, in turn, is based on the assumption that the universe is harmonious and coherent. At least we can try to discover what others […] require, by […] making it possible for ourselves to know men as they truly are, by listening to them carefully and sympathetically, and understanding them and their lives and their needs, one by one individually.
Let us at least try to provide them with what they ask for, and leave them as free as possible a, Bibliography The many works in languages other than English are mostly excluded.
Reprinted in Berlin a; 2nd edition, ed. Reprinted in Berlin b. Gilmore ed. Reprinted in Berlin Cherniss, Joshua L. Dubnov, Arie M. Galipeau, Claude J.
Tauris; London, Tauris Parke, Ryan, Alan ed. Cambridge, Mass. Brogan, A. Carr, E. Chang, Ruth ed. Connolly, William E. Tufts, Ethics , New York: Holt.
Dzur, Albert W. Evans, J. Archard ed. Gertsen, A. Hanley, Ryan P. Hausheer, Roger, , introduction to Berlin Herzen, Alexander: see Gertsen, A.
Rosenblum ed. MacCallum, Gerald C. Mack, Arien ed. Malebranche, Nicolas, , Treatise on Nature and Grace , , trans. Patrick Riley, Oxford: Clarendon Press, Mehta, Pratap B.
Müller, Jan-Werner ed. Sabl, Andrew, and Rahul Sagar eds. Schoeck and J. Wiggins eds , Princeton: Van Nostrand. Talisse, Robert B. Shils and H.
Finch trans. Gerth and C. Academic Tools How to cite this entry. Enhanced bibliography for this entry at PhilPapers , with links to its database.
The Isaiah Berlin Virtual Library , ed. Henry Hardy Wolfson College, Oxford. Billington, James H. Cohen, G. Ambiguity or Ambivalence?
Hayden, John, [? Kukathas, Chandran, review of Gray , Reason , November Robinette, Christopher J. Rothbard, Murray N. Szacki, Jerzy, , review of Berlin b , trans.
His distinctive deep, rapid voice was often heard on the radio, and he led many to explore his chosen subject — the history of ideas.
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